Plus, the 10th annual Breyer Lecture on International Law
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Brookings Center on the United States and Europe

March 21, 2024

 

On March 7, a blue-and-yellow flag was hoisted into the rain in front of NATO’s headquarters in Brussels, and Sweden became the 32nd country to join the trans-Atlantic alliance, nearly a year after its neighbor Finland. (Ambassador Urban Ahlin’s celebration in Washington mercifully benefited from balmy spring weather and featured many cheerful Nordics. Even the Finns were seen to smile discreetly.)

 

In this month’s edition of the newsletter produced by Brookings's Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE), an essay by Pavel K. Baev analyzes the impact of Finland and Sweden joining NATO for the security of the alliance, but also for Russia’s calculations. In an original Q&A, Fiona Hill discusses the re-installment of Russian president Vladimir Putin for a fifth term. Anna Grzymała-Busse takes us into the complexities of Polish politics under the new prime minister Donald Tusk; and I annoy my Swiss relatives by inquiring tactfully whether neutrality still works for Switzerland.

 

Looking ahead, please don’t miss our hybrid April 5 Breyer Lecture by Matias Spektor on the U.S., the West, and international law in a world of strategic competition—it is sure to be riveting.

 

I hope you continue to enjoy our newsletter.

 

Sincerely, 
 
Constanze Stelzenmüller
Director, Center on the United States and Europe
The Brookings Institution

 
Polish President Andrzej Duda and newly appointed Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk attend the cabinet swearing-in ceremony

Unity abroad, discord at home: Polish leaders visit Washington 

 

This month, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and President Andrzej Duda marked 25 years of NATO membership at a visit to the White House. Anna Grzymała-Busse dissects the dynamics between the two leaders, challenges facing Tusk’s government, and what it all means for Ukraine and Poland’s relationship with the European Union.

 

Read more

Switzerland: Europe’s critical vulnerability

 

Constanze Stelzenmüller argues that Switzerland’s lax financial regulation has made the country a vulnerability for Europe and that Bern should safeguard its banking system against bad actors as a vital contribution to European defense and security.

 

Read more

NATO cannot take Russia’s weakness in the Baltic theater for granted

 

The Russia-Ukraine war and Finland and Sweden's NATO accession have transformed the Baltic security theater to Moscow's detriment, Pavel K. Baev explains in a new Talbott Paper. But the outcome of the war and Russian defense-industrial expansion could yet reverse these gains.

 

Read more |  See more Talbott Papers

 

A Q&A with Fiona Hill

 

On March 15-17, Russia held its first presidential elections since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. As expected, Vladimir Putin was renewed for another six-year term. We talked to Russia expert and Brookings Senior Fellow Fiona Hill about what the election means and why we should pay attention.

 

While the outcome of the Russian election was predictable, why does it still matter?

 

Elections are still a constitutional feature of the Russian political system and now function like a plebiscite on Putin’s rule and as the re-legitimation of the system he has created. Behind the scenes and beyond all the manipulation, this election is a way for Putin and the Kremlin to judge his popularity and assess where there might be problems. Elections help to flush out opposition—in this case to the war in Ukraine as well as to Putin and the system. Now that the election is over and his position is shored up again, Putin will feel he has a free hand to tackle this opposition, at home as well as abroad.

 

Before his death in prison, opposition leader Alexei Navalny called for Russians to gather at the polls at noon on March 17 to protest against Putin. How did this call to action play out?

 

Given the long lines outside Russian embassies abroad, as well as at polling stations in some big Russian cities in this timeframe, it is clear that Navalny’s appeal gained a significant response. This may be highly symbolic, but it was also acknowledged by some Kremlin commentators. The turnout underscored that Russia’s public is not a monolith. Despite the heavy repression, thousands of people are still willing to risk personal liberty to express their dissatisfaction with Putin. This means the Kremlin cannot take anything for granted over the longer term even if they seem to have crushed political dissent for now.

 

With this win, Putin is on track to become the longest-serving leader in Russia since Catherine the Great. How does the Russian public feel about Putin, his consolidation of power, and his legacy?

 

It’s hard to judge if a majority of the Russian population genuinely appreciates Putin’s consolidation of personalized power, which has come at a heavy cost to political freedoms. Prior to the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Putin might have been remembered for stabilizing the Russian state, for restoring its economy, and for giving the Russian population their best shot at prosperity in centuries. But since the full-on invasion of Ukraine, Putin has jettisoned this set of achievements in favor of restoring “lost” Russian lands and Russia’s international position as an old style Great Power. At this juncture, coming out of the election, Putin sees himself as one of the “Greats” of Russian history. If he stays on for another term to 2036 he will also have outlasted both Soviet leader Josef Stalin and Catherine the Great. But Putin has put a lot of things into motion with the war in Ukraine that he cannot completely control. There have been upsurges of political discontent at multiple points over the course of his previous presidential terms. Time will tell how the public feels about his political longevity.

 

Join us for an event 

  

The 10th annual Breyer Lecture: Matias Spektor on the US, the West, and international law in an age of strategic competition 

Friday, April 5, 2024, 10:00 AM - 12:00 PM EDT 

 

Can Western countries uphold an international order established under U.S. hegemony in a more contested era? Brazilian foreign policy expert Matias Spektor will address the challenges faced by the United States, the West, and international law in the 10th annual Justice Stephen Breyer Lecture on International Law. 

  

Register to attend or watch | Learn more about the Breyer Lecture series 

 

The Ukraine Index

the-price-of-russian-oil-has-risen-above-the-g-7-s-60-price-cap

For data on the war in Ukraine, explore the Ukraine Index. This dataset provides valuable insights on security and battlefield trends, tracks the health of the Ukrainian economy and other financial indicators, and looks at international political dimensions, including public opinion and refugee flows.

 

More research and commentary

 

European deterrence. French President Emmanuel Macron's tough remarks on policy toward Ukraine were met with harsh criticism from German counterparts. In the Financial Times, Constanze Stelzenmüller argues the disconnect between Paris and Berlin threatens a coherent European strategy. 

 

Climate and migration. The changing climate is leading to the displacement of millions around the world and the international community is failing to act. Kemal Kirişci and Sophie Roehse unpack what this means and argue that trade compacts can help mitigate the effects of mass migration.

 

💡 In case you missed it

  • Does the West’s Ukraine policy need a reality check?
    Brookings webinar
  • Is Europe capable of defending itself?
    Brookings webinar
 

About the Center on the United States and Europe

 

The mission of Brookings's Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) is to offer independent research and recommendations for policymakers, foster high-level dialogue on developments in Europe and global challenges that affect trans-Atlantic relations, and convene roundtables, workshops, and public forums on policy-relevant issues.

 
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